Sixty Years Since Peaceful Liberation of Tibet

Information Office of the State CouncilThe People’s Republic of China

July 2011, Beijing

Contents

Preface

I.Realizing the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet

II.Sixty Years’ Development Since Peaceful Liberation

III.Historic Achievements That Capture World Atten-tion

Concluding Remarks

Preface

On May 23, 1951 the Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet (“17-Article Agreement” for short) was signed in Beijing, marking the peaceful liberation of Tibet.

The peaceful liberation of Tibet was an important part of the cause of the Chinese people’s liberation, a great event in the Chinese nation’s struggle against imperialist invasion to safe-guard national unity and sovereignty, an epoch-making turning point in the social development history of Tibet, and a milestone marking the commencement of Tibet’s progress from a dark and backward society to a bright and advanced future.

Over the 60 years since its peaceful liberation, Tibet, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Central People’s Government, has undergone a great historic process starting with democratic reform, and proceeding to the establishment of the Tibet Autonomous Region, socialist con-struction, and to the reform and opening-up era, made unprece-dented achievements in the modernization drive, and witnessed great changes in its social outlook and profound changes in its people’s life. These achievements were attained by all the ethnic groups in Tibet through concerted efforts, and vividly manifest how China implements the ethnic minority policy of promoting unity and achieving common prosperity and development.

This year marks the 60th anniversary of the peaceful liberation of Tibet. We review and summarize the spectacular historic process over the 60 years and demonstrate the great achievements in the development of New Tibet, so as to help Tibet achieve leapfrogging development and maintain lasting stability, while laying bare the lies of the Dalai clique, giving a better understanding of the true history of the 60 years since the peaceful liberation of Tibet to the outside world and enabling people around the world to get to know that socialist New Tibet is full of vigor and vitality.

I. Realizing the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet

1. Tibet has been an inseparable part of China since an-cient times.

China is a unified, multi-ethnic country, and the Tibetan people are important members of the family of the Chinese nation. China’s territory and history were created by the Chinese nation; the Tibetan group, as one of the centuries-old ethnic groups in China, has made important contributions to the crea-tion and development of this unified, multi-ethnic country and to the formation and evolvement of the Chinese nation. Arc-haeological and academic research findings show that since ancient times the Tibetan people have been closely connected with the Han and other ethnic groups in blood relationship, lan-guage, culture and other aspects, and economic, political and cultural exchanges between Tibet and inland China have never been broken off. In the 13th century the central government of the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368) formally incorporated Tibet into the central administration by setting up the Supreme Control Commission and the Commission for Buddhist and Tibetan Af-fairs to directly administer the military and political affairs of the Tibet region. Following this, the Yuan central government gradually standardized and institutionalized the administration of Tibet, including directly controlling the local administrative organs of Tibet and exercising the power of appointing local officials in Tibet, stationing troops there and conducting censuses. Following the Yuan system, the Ming (1368-1644) government implemented such policies as multiple enfeoffment, tributary trade and establishment of subordinated administrative divisions. The Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) strengthened the central government’s administration of Tibet. In 1653 and 1713 the Qing emperors granted honorific titles to the 5th Dalai Lama and the 5th Panchen Lama, officially establishing the titles of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Erdeni, and their political and religious status in Tibet. From 1727 the Qing court established the post of grand minister resident in Tibet to supervise local administration on behalf of the central authorities. In 1751 the Qing government abolished the system under which the various commandery princes held power, and formally appointed the 7th Dalai Lama to administer the local government of Tibet, and set up the Kashag (cabinet) composed of four Kalons (ministers). In 1793, after dispelling Gurkha invaders, the Qing government promulgated the Ordinance by the Imperial House Concerning Better Governance in Tibet (29 Articles), improving several systems by which the central government administered Tibet. The Ordinance stipulated that the reincarnation of Dalai Lama and other Living Buddhas had to follow the procedure of “drawing lots from the golden urn,” and the selected candidate would be subject to the approval by the central authorities of China. In the Qing Dynasty five Dalai Lamas were selected in this way, but two did not go through the lot-drawing procedure as approved by the Qing emperors. The Qing emperors deposed the 6th Dalai Lama, Tsangyang Gyatso, in 1706 and the 13th Dalai Lama, Thubten Gyatso, in 1904, and again in 1910.

The Revolution of 1911 toppled the Qing empire, and the Republic of China (1912-1949) was founded. On March 11, 1912 the Republic of China issued its first constitution — the Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China, which clari-fied the central government’s sovereignty over Tibet. It clearly stipulated that Tibet was a part of the territory of the Republic of China, and stated that “the Han, Manchu, Mongol, Hui and Ti-betan peoples are of one, and the five ethnic groups will be of one republic.” On July 17 the government set up the Bureau of Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs under the State Council. After the Provisional Government of the Republic of China was set up in Nanjing, the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs was established in 1929 to exercise administrative jurisdiction over Tibet. In 1940 the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs opened an office in Lhasa as the permanent mission of the central government in Tibet. The central government of the Republic of China safeguarded the nation’s sovereignty over Tibet in spite of frequent civil wars among warlords in the inte-rior. The 14th Dalai Lama, Dainzin Gyatso, succeeded to the title with the approval of the national government, which waived the lot-drawing convention. No country or government in the world has ever acknowledged the independence of Tibet.

2. So-called “Tibet independence” was part of imperialist aggressors’ attempt to carve up China.

Since the Opium War Britain started in 1840, China had been gradually reduced to a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. At the end of the 19th century imperialist forces set off mad spree to carve up China, and the British aggressors took the op-portunity to invade Tibet. British troops intruded into Tibet twice — in 1888 and 1903 — but failed due to the resistance of the Tibetan army and civilians. After their failure to turn Tibet into a colony through armed aggression, the imperialists started to foster pro-imperialist separatists in Tibet，plotted activities to separate Tibet from China and trumpeted “Tibet independence.” On August 31, 1907 Britain and Russia signed the Convention between Great Britain and Russia on Tibet, changing, for the first time, China’s sovereignty over Tibet into “suzerainty” in an international document. In 1913 the British government engi-neered the Simla Conference to instigate the Tibetan representative to raise the slogan of “Tibet independence” for the first time, which was immediately rejected by the representative of the Chinese government. The British representative then introduced the so-called “compromise” scheme, attempting to change China’s sovereignty over Tibet into “suzerainty” and separate Tibet from the authority of the Chinese government under the pretext of “autonomy.” These ill-intentioned attempts met with resolute opposition from the Chinese people and government. In July 1914, upon instruction, the representative of the Chinese government refused to sign the Simla Convention, and made a statement saying that the government of China refused to recognize any such agreement or document. The Chinese government also sent a note to the British government, reiterating its position. Thereupon, the conference collapsed. In 1942 the local government of Tibet, with the support of the British representative, suddenly announced the establishment of a “foreign affairs bureau,” and openly carried out “Tibet independence” activities. With opposition from the Chinese people and the national gov-ernment, the local government of Tibet had no choice but to withdraw its decision.

In 1947 the British imperialists plotted behind the scenes to invite Tibetan representatives to attend the “Asian Relations Conference,” and even identified Tibet as an independent country on the map of Asia hung in the conference hall and in the array of national flags. The organizers were forced to rectify this after the Chinese delegation made a stern protest. On July 8, 1949 the local government of Tibet issued an order to expel officials of the Tibet Office of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs on the excuse of “prohibiting Communists from staying in Tibet.” In November 1949 the local government of Tibet decided to dispatch a so-called “goodwill mission” to the United States, Britain, India, Nepal and some other countries to seek political and military support for “Tibet independence,” making it obvious that it was intensifying separatist activities. Around the end of 1949 the American Lowell Thomas roamed Tibet in the guise of a “radio commentator” to explore the “possibility of aid that Washington could give Tibet.” He wrote in a US newspaper: “The United States is ready to recognize Tibet as an independent and free country.” In the first half of 1950 American weaponry was shipped into Tibet through Calcutta in order to help resist the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in its entry into Tibet.

Historical facts clearly demonstrate that the so-called “Tibet independence” was in fact cooked up by old and new imperial-ists, and was part of Western aggressors’ scheme to carve up the territory of China.

3. The liberation of Tibet was an important part of the cause of the Chinese people’s liberation.

In face of aggression and oppression from imperialists, all ethnic groups of China, including the Tibetans, had waged un-yielding struggles for more than a century and at the cost of many lives to safeguard the independence, unity and territorial integrity of China, and to realize the liberation of the Chinese nation. It was under the leadership of the CPC that the Chinese people achieved final victory in the Liberation War after ex-tremely hard struggle. In 1949 the Chinese people won decisive victory in the people’s Liberation War, and the People’s Republic of China was founded. Then, it came on the agenda that the PLA would march into Tibet, liberate it and expel imperialists from it.

In response to “Tibet independence” activities plotted by imperialists and reactionary forces from the upper strata of Tibet, on September 2, 1949 Xinhua News Agency, with authorization from the CPC, published an editorial under the headline, “For-eign Aggressors Are Resolutely Not Allowed to Annex China’s Territory — Tibet.” The editorial summarized how some big powers had invaded Tibet over the previous century, and then pointed out, “Tibet is part of Chinese territory; all foreign ag-gression is not allowed. The Tibetan people are an inseparable part of the Chinese nation, and any attempt to divide them from China will be doomed. This is a consistent policy of the CPC and the PLA.” All sectors of society of Tibet quickly responded and expressed support for the editorial and the hope that the PLA would enter Tibet as soon as possible. On October 1, 1949 the 10th Panchen Lama sent a telegram to the Central People’s Government: “Dispatching troops to liberate Tibet and expelling the imperialists as soon as possible.” On November 23 Mao Zedong and Zhu De telegraphed the 10th Panchen Lama: “The Central People’s Government and the Chinese PLA will certainly comply with this wish of the Tibetan people.” On December 2 Reting Yeshe Tsultrim, an aide of the 5th Regent Reting Rinpoche, arrived in Xining, Qinghai Province, to make complaints to the PLA about the imperialists’ atrocities of de-stroying the internal unity of Tibet, urging the PLA to liberate Tibet as soon as possible. In early 1950 over 100 Tibetan people, including farmers and herdsmen, young people, women and democratic representatives, assembled in Lanzhou, which had been liberated not long before, and urged the PLA to liberate Tibet. The 5th Gedar Tulku of Beri Monastery in Garze, Xikang (Kham) Province, headman Shaka Tobden of Yilung in northern Xikang, and the business tycoon Pangda Dorje in southern Xi-kang sent representatives to Beijing to pay tribute to Chairman Mao Zedong of the Central People’s Government and they ex-pressed the Tibetan people’s urgent and earnest wish for the liberation of Tibet.

To address the complicated changes in the international situation and the grave situation in Tibet, and to satisfy the Ti-betan people’s wish for liberation as soon as possible, in De-cember 1949 Mao Zedong wrote a letter to the CPC Central Committee in Manzhouli on his way to the Soviet Union for a visit. In the letter, Mao made the strategic decision that “it is better for the PLA to enter Tibet sooner rather than later.”

When planning the liberation of Tibet and exploring the way of liberation, the CPC decided on the way of peaceful liberation in view of the fact that Tibet was a special region inhabited by the ethnic minorities, in order to enable the PLA to enter Tibet smoothly, safeguard the interests of the Tibetan people and strengthen national unity. In March 1949 when the people’s Liberation War was about to end with people’s victory, Chairman Mao pointed out that the possibilities of peaceful liberation, like that of Beiping, for other areas were growing. Then Hunan and Ningxia, as well as Xinjiang, Yunnan and Xikang, which all bordered Tibet, were liberated peacefully in succession, afford-ing useful experience for the peaceful liberation of Tibet. On January 20, 1950, in response to the local government of Tibet’s dispatching of a so-called “goodwill mission,” a spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs delivered a speech with au-thorization from Chairman Mao, saying what the Tibetan people wished was the exercise of appropriate regional autonomy under the unified leadership of the Central People’s Government, and that “if the Lhasa authorities comply with this principle and send delegates to Beijing to negotiate the peaceful liberation of Tibet, they will be well received.”

To achieve the peaceful liberation of Tibet, the Central People’s Government organized and did a lot of work in political persuasion. In 1950 the Southwest and Northwest bureaux of the CPC Central Committee sent delegates or delegations to Tibet for mediation four times, in order to persuade the 14th Dalai Lama and the local government of Tibet to send representatives to negotiate with the Central People’s Government on the peaceful liberation of Tibet. On February 1 the Northwest Bureau sent a Tibetan cadre, Zhang Jingcheng, to Tibet with a letter for the 14th Dalai Lama and Regent Taktra Ngawang Sungrab from Liao Hansheng, then vice chairman of the Qinghai Provincial Peo-ple’s Government. At the end of March an eminent Han monk, Master Zhiqing, who had good relations with the political and religious circles of Tibet, started for Tibet from Chengdu, with approval from the CPC Central Committee and the support of the Southwest Bureau. In July a delegation composed of members from Qinghai temples and monasteries, led by Taktser Rinpoche of Kumbum Monastery, set out from Xining. Sherab Gyatso, vice chairman of the Qinghai Provincial People’s Government and a leading Tibetan scholar, delivered a radio talk, calling on the local government of Tibet to “quickly dispatch plenipotentiary representatives to Beijing for peace talks.” On July 10 a delegation of ten, including the 5th Gedar Tulku of Beri Monastery in Garze, Xikang, also went to Tibet. However, these mediation activities suffered obstruction from imperialist aggressors and pro-imperialist separatists in Tibet. They were driven away or detained, some delegations were split up, and Gedar Tulku was even poisoned to death in Qamdo.

Meanwhile, the local government of Tibet, incited by impe-rialist aggressors and dominated by the pro-imperialist separat-ists in the upper strata of Tibet, expanded the Tibetan army and deployed seven regiments in areas around Qamdo along the western bank of the Jinsha River, in an attempt to halt the PLA’s advance into Tibet. Qamdo was the only way into Tibet from the southwest. On August 23, 1950 Mao Zedong pointed out that the capture of Qamdo “will help us to change the political situation in Tibet and advance into Tibet next year,” and “may spur the Tibetan delegation to come to Beijing for negotiations for a peaceful settlement.” On October 6 the PLA troops started to cross the Jinsha River to carry out the task of liberating Qamdo. On October 19 Qamdo was liberated. On this basis, the First People’s Congress of Qamdo was held, at which the Qamdo People’s Liberation Committee was elected and a working committee was founded, composing of representatives from both the ecclesiastical and secular, in Qamdo to strive for the peaceful liberation of Tibet. The Qamdo Battle opened the door to peace negotiations and created the necessary conditions for the peaceful liberation of Tibet.

4. The 17-Article Agreement was signed, and Tibet was liberated peacefully.

The Central People’s Government and Chairman Mao Ze-dong had never given up their efforts for the peaceful liberation of Tibet. Even during the Qamdo Battle, Mao Zedong urged that the Tibetan “delegation should come to Beijing as soon as poss-ible.” The Qamdo Battle led to a division within the local gov-ernment of Tibet, when patriotic and advanced forces got the upper hand, while the pro-imperialist separatist Regent Taktra Ngawang Sungrab was forced to resign. On November 17 the 14th Dalai Lama assumed power, and the political situation in Tibet started to develop in the direction of peaceful liberation.
On January 2, 1951 the 14th Dalai Lama moved to the Tibetan city of Yadong, on the one hand taking a wait-and-see attitude, and on the other seeking support from Britain, the US, India and Nepal while awaiting an opportunity to flee abroad. But no country wished to publicly support “Tibet indepen-dence.” Correspondingly, the local government of Tibet was divided into a Kashag who remained in Lhasa and a temporary Kashag in Yadong. Following this, an “officials’ meeting” of the local government of Tibet decided to formally send delegates to Beijing for peace negotiations with the Central People’s Gov-ernment. In his letter to the Central People’s Government to express his wish for peace talks, the 14th Dalai Lama said, “In the past when I was young and had not taken power, the Tibe-tan-Han relationship was repeatedly disrupted. Recently I have notified Ngapoi (Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme) and his entourage to set out for Beijing as soon as possible. Racing against time, we will add another two assistants to Ngapoi, who will go to Beijing via India.” Inspired by the Central People’s Government’s policy of equality of all ethnic groups and peaceful liberation of Tibet, the local government of Tibet sent a delegation for peace talks with the Central People’s Government. The plenipotentiary representatives included the Chief Representative Ngapoi Nga-wang Jigme, and representatives Kemai Soinam Wangdui, Tub-dain Daindar, Tubdain Legmoin and Sampo Dainzin Toinzhub. The representatives set out in two groups, and assembled in Beijing on April 27, 1951. They received a warm welcome from the Central People’s Government, which also organized a dele-gation, including Chief Representative Li Weihan and repre-sentatives Zhang Jingwu, Zhang Guohua and Sun Zhiyuan. After friendly talks, the Central People’s Government and the local government of Tibet signed the Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet in Beijing on May 23, 1951.

Regarding the peace talks and the signing of the 17-Article Agreement, we need to stress some basic historical facts as fol-lows:

First, the peace talks were held on the premise that the local government of Tibet admitted that Tibet is an inseparable part of China. When the 14th Dalai Lama and the local government of Tibet dispatched the delegation, every representative got a sealed plenipotentiary certificate, which stated the name and identity of the holder on the envelope, and inside the statement that Tibet is a part of China and some other sentences. The essential problem to be solved during the talks was to enhance ethnic solidarity and safeguard national unity. As Ngapoi recalled, on this problem, “the basic standpoints of the representatives of the two sides were the same.”

Second, the Central People’s Government’s “ten policies” for the peaceful liberation of Tibet were the basis for the talks. The main contents were: British and US imperialist aggressive forces shall be driven out of Tibet; regional ethnic autonomy shall be exercised in Tibet; the present political system in Tibet shall remain unchanged; freedom of religious belief shall be guaranteed; economy, culture and education in Tibet shall be developed; matters of reform in Tibet shall be settled by the Tibetan people and Tibetan leaders through consultation; and the PLA troops shall enter Tibet. At first, the Tibetan representatives stressed that they could not accept the PLA’s entry into Tibet. At that time, the Central People’s Government representatives did not force them to accept this term; instead, they suggested a two-day adjournment, during which they arranged Tibetan rep-resentatives to visit some places, while patiently persuaded them, saying that now that the local government of Tibet admitted Tibet as an inseparable part of China, it had no reason to obstruct the PLA from entering Tibet. In the meantime, the central gov-ernment took into full consideration the problem raised by the Tibetan representatives that it would be difficult for economi-cally backward and resource-poor Tibet to supply the PLA, and promised that the PLA troops would “be supplied by the central government after entering Tibet, all their expenses will be borne by the central government.” After negotiations, the two sides finally agreed that the local government of Tibet would make positive efforts to assist the PLA’s entry into Tibet for national defence.

Third, the conflict between the Dalai Lama and Panchen Erdeni was an important problem that had to be resolved in the talks. Due to instigation by imperialist aggressors, the 9th Panchen Lama did not get along with the 13th Dalai Lama in the early 1920s, and thus was forced to leave Tibet for inland China. He died in Yushu, Qinghai Province, in December 1937 on his way back to Tibet. On August 10, 1949, the 10th Panchen Lama was enthroned at the Kumbum Monastery in Qinghai, with the approval of the national government. At first, the Tibetan dele-gation did not acknowledge the legal status of the 10th Panchen Lama. The central government delegation showed to the Tibetan delegation all the official documents by which the Kuomintang’s national government had approved and confirmed the 10th Panchen Lama as the reincarnated soul boy of the 9th Panchen Lama, and the photos of the enthronement ceremony at the Kumbum Monastery, which representatives of the Dalai Lama attended. Faced with this irrefutable evidence, the Tibetan dele-gation finally acknowledged the legal status of the 10th Panchen Lama. The May Day holiday arrived during the peace talks, and the Central People’s Government invited all the representatives of the local government of Tibet and the 10th Panchen Lama to attend the celebration on the Tian’anmen Rostrum, during which Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme and the 10th Panchen Lama had a friendly meeting and were received by Mao Zedong.

Fourth, the Agreement was reached on the basis of mutual respect and friendly negotiations. Most terms of the Agreement were about how to handle internal relations and affairs of Tibet. For these issues, the plenipotentiary representatives of the Cen-tral People’s Government took initiatives to offer some propos-als in line with the ethnic policy of the central government and the reality in Tibet. The Tibetan representatives also raised their suggestions. The Central People’s Government studied and adopted some, while patiently explaining the reasons for not accepting others. Representative Tubdain Daindar talked about his experience of the talks: “As an ecclesiastic official from the Yitsang (Secretariat), I offered many suggestions about religious beliefs, monastery income and some other related issues, most of which were adopted by the central government.” A Han-language version and a Tibetan-language one of the Agreement were prepared from the very beginning of the talks. And every revision made in both versions was only with consent from the Tibetan delegation. After the talks, both versions were signed and issued together.

As plenipotentiary representatives from the local govern-ment of Tibet, they discussed and established the following principles before formal talks: “Plenipotentiary representatives shall quickly decide on terms that they can decide on, and report to the Kashag in Yadong those that they cannot settle”; and when there was not enough time, “the plenipotentiary representatives can decide first and then report to the Dalai Lama.” The channel for the Tibetan delegation to ask for instructions from the Dalai Lama and the Kashag was always unimpeded, and the representatives discussed among themselves for which items they would request instructions. Soon after the talks started, the issue of the PLA’s entry into Tibet arose. The Tibetan represent-atives telegraphed the Dalai Lama and the Kashag in Yadong via cryptograph brought by Kemai Soinam Wangdui and Tubdain Daindar, saying that there would not be a big problem regarding most of the items, but if the local government of Tibet did not permit the PLA to enter Tibet, the talks could fail. During the talks, they contacted the Kashag in Yadong twice regarding its relationship with the Panchen Lama. During the 20-odd-day talks, although representatives from the two sides disagreed on some items, the talks went on in a friendly and sincere atmos-phere and with full consultation. At the signing ceremony, the representatives of the two sides signed and sealed both versions of the Agreement.

To ensure that the Agreement was earnestly implemented, the Central People’s Government and the local government of Tibet signed two appendices to the Agreement, and one was the Regulations on Matters Concerning the Entry and Stationing of the People’s Liberation Army in Tibet. Regarding the PLA’s entry into and stationing in Tibet, the plenipotentiary representatives of the local government of Tibet questioned the number and deployment of and supplies for the troops. Since these details were military secrets, they could not be written in the Agreement, which was to be announced. Thus it was necessary to put them in Appendix I. Appendix II was the Declaration on the Local Government of Tibet Being Responsible for Carrying out the Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet. If the Dalai Lama acknowledged the Agreement and returned to Lhasa, then the peaceful liberation of Tibet would be a natural result. But if he did not return to Lhasa for some time for whatever reason, the Tibetan delegation hoped that the Central People’s Government would allow the Dalai Lama to choose his own place of residence during the first year of the implementa-tion of the Agreement, and to retain his status and power un-changed if he returned to his original post during this year. The Central People’s Government consented. But if this clause was written into the Agreement, it would provoke controversy. So the two sides agreed on preventive stipulations for future possi-bilities and wrote them into this appendix. These two appendices were detailed rules for the implementation of the Agreement and complements to the Agreement on matters that had not been covered in the Agreement.

Fifth, the Agreement gained support from the Dalai Lama and both ecclesiastical and secular people in Tibet. After Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme returned to Lhasa from Beijing, the local gov-ernment of Tibet held between September 26 and 29, 1951 an “officials’ meeting” attended by more than 300 people, includ-ing all ecclesiastical and secular officials, Khenpo (abbot) rep-resentatives of the three most prominent monasteries, and Tibetan army officers above the regimental-commander rank. At the meeting, a report to the Dalai Lama was approved. It stated, “The 17-Article Agreement that has been signed is of incom-parable benefit to the grand cause of the Dalai Lama and to Buddhism as a whole, and to the politics, economy and other aspects of life in Tibet. Naturally it should be carried out.” The Dalai Lama sent a telegram to Chairman Mao Zedong on October 24 to express his support for the Agreement. The telegram read, “This year the local government of Tibet sent five delegates with full authority, headed by Kalon Ngapoi, to Beijing in late April 1951 to conduct peace talks with delegates with full authority appointed by the Central People’s Government. On the basis of friendship, the delegates of the two sides signed on May 23, 1951 the Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet. The local government of Tibet as well as the ecclesiastical and secular people unanimously support this Agreement, and, under the leadership of Chairman Mao and the Central People’s Government, will actively assist the PLA troops entering Tibet to consolidate national defense, ousting imperialist influences from Tibet and safeguarding the unification of the territory and the sovereignty of the motherland. I hereby send this cable to inform you of this.” On October 26, Chairman Mao Zedong telegraphed the Dalai Lama in reply, expressing thanks for his efforts in carrying out the Agreement.

The signing of the 17-Article Agreement symbolized the peaceful liberation of Tibet, thus opening a new page in the history of social progress in Tibet. The peaceful liberation enabled Tibet to shake off imperialist aggression and imperialist political and economic fetters, safeguarded the national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of China, enhanced the solidarity among all ethnic groups of China and within Tibet, and created the basic preconditions for Tibet to advance and develop together with other parts of the country.

II. Sixty Years’ Development Since Peaceful Liberation

Peaceful liberation was an important turning point in the historical development of Tibet. Over the 60 years since then Tibet has gone through several phases of development, such as the Democratic Reform, establishment of the autonomous re-gion, building of socialism, and reform and opening up, scoring spectacular achievements.

1. Implementing the 17-Article Agreement, maintaining national unity and ethnic solidarity, and launching Tibet’s drive towards modernization

— Sending troops to Tibet and consolidating border defense. As stipulated in the 17-Article Agreement and its Ap-pendix I, the PLA troops with the 18th army as the major force marched into Tibet from September 1951 to June 1952, and were stationed in strongholds such as Gyamda, Gyangtse, Shi-gatse, Lhuntse Dzong, Dromo, Zayul and Gerze, bringing to an end the history of Tibet’s 4,000-km border being undefended.

— Handling Tibet’s foreign-related affairs on a centra-lized basis. On September 6, 1952 the foreign affairs office of the central government representative stationed in Tibet was set up, responsible for all the foreign-related affairs of Tibet under the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Central People’s Government. On April 29, 1954 the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of India signed in Beijing the Agreement on Trade and Intercourse between the Tibet Region of China and India, abolishing the privileges India had inherited from the British invaders. In 1955 China established official diplomatic ties with Nepal, and signed the Agreement on Main-taining Friendly Relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Kingdom of Nepal and on Trade and Intercourse between the Tibet Region of China and Nepal in 1956, which cancelled Nepal’s privileges in Tibet, advancing and consoli-dating the Sino-Nepalese relationship to a new level. To this day, all the foreign-related affairs of Tibet are dealt with by the Cen-tral People’s Government on a centralized basis.

— Attaining self-sufficiency and satisfying both military and civilian needs. The central government issued such instructions as “sending troops to Tibet but not depending on local people for grain supply” and “tightening the budget and attaining self-sufficiency,” and put forward a series of financial policies such as “guaranteeing food supplies for the army and taking into consideration civilian needs” and “unified procure-ment and economical practice.” Soon after the PLA entered Tibet, the central government earmarked 40 billion yuan (old currency) to purchase local wool at prices higher than that exported to India. This move foiled the scheme of illegal hoarding and profiteering plotted by reactionaries of the Tibetan upper class with an aim to sow discord between Tibetans and Han people, and the revenue from export of such wool was used to support the PLA and the local people. It also greatly benefited many of the upper class, enabling them to acknowledge the central government’s goal of safeguarding the interests of the Tibetan people. They thus gradually reduced their dependence on and connection with the imperialist forces and drew closer to the central government.

— Carrying out united front work, and promoting na-tional unity and progress. Encouraged by the central govern-ment, the 10th Panchen Lama and his entourage returned to Lhasa from Qinghai Province to have a friendly meeting with the 14th Dalai Lama in April 1952. The CPC Working Committee of Tibet then made great efforts to help settle both the current practical problems and those left over from history between the Dalai and Panchen lamas, who in 1953 were elected as honorary presidents of the Buddhist Association of China, with Living Buddha Kundeling as vice president. In September 1956 the Tibetan branch of the Buddhist Association of China was set up. In September 1954 the 14th Dalai and 10th Panchen lamas went together to Beijing to attend the First Session of the First National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China, which demonstrated that the Tibetan people enjoyed equal rights with other ethnic groups in participating in the administration of China’s state affairs. Concurrently, a total of 1,000 people in 13 groups were organized from 1952 to 1957 to visit the hinterland, including upper-class monks and lay officials to lamas, and common people including women and youngsters, which strengthened connections between Tibet and the hinterland and promoted national unity.

— Actively undertaking the modernization program to promote Tibet’s economic, social and cultural development. After the peaceful liberation, the PLA and people from other parts of China working in Tibet persisted in carrying out the 17-Article Agreement and the policies of the Central Authorities, built the Xikang-Tibet and Qinghai-Tibet highways, Damxung Airport, water conservancy projects, modern factories, banks, trading companies, post offices, farms and schools. They adopted a series of measures to help the farmers and herdsmen expand production, started social and disaster relief programs, and provided free medical service for the prevention and treatment of epidemic and other diseases. All this promoted the region’s economic, social and cultural development, created a new social atmosphere of modern civilization and progress, produced a far-reaching influence among people of all walks of life in Tibet, ended the long-term isolation and stagnation of Tibetan society, paved the way for Tibet’s march toward a modern society, opened up wide prospects for Tibet’s further development and provided necessary conditions for the common progress of Tibet and the nation as a whole.

2. Implementing the Democratic Reform, abolishing feudal serfdom, and emancipating millions of serfs and the social productive forces, achieving the most profound social reform in the history of Tibet

Prior to the Democratic Reform, Tibet practiced a system of feudal serfdom under theocracy, which was darker and more backward than in Europe in the Middle Ages. The three major estate-holders — officials, nobles and upper-ranking monks in monasteries — accounted for less than five percent of Tibet’s total population but owned all the farmland, pastures, forests, mountains and rivers, and the majority of the livestock. The serfs and slaves, accounting for more than 95 percent of the population, had no means of production or freedom of their own. They were not only subjected to the three-fold exploitation of corvee labor, taxes and high-interest loans, but also suffered cruel political oppression and punishment rarely seen in world history. Their lives were no more than struggles for existence. Thus, reforming the social system of Tibet was an inevitable requirement of social development and the fundamental aspira-tion of the Tibetan people. In consideration of the special conditions of Tibet, the 17-Article Agreement stipulated that “the central government will not alter the existing political system in Tibet”; “in matters related to various reforms in Tibet, there will be no compulsion on the part of the central government. The local government of Tibet shall carry out reforms of its own accord, and when the people raise demands for reform, they shall be settled by means of consultation with the leading personnel of Tibet.” After Tibet was liberated peacefully, the Central People’s Government adopted a very prudent and tolerant attitude toward the reform of its social system, hoping to persuade the people of the local ruling class of the need for reform and waiting patiently for them to take initiative to start the social reform. But the serf owners were totally opposed to any reform which would mean giving up their privileges, opposed the 17-Article Agreement and plotted a series of activities to split Tibet from China, which ended in a full-scale insurrection in 1959.

In order to safeguard the unity of the nation and the fundamental interests of the Tibetan people, the Central People’s Government, together with the Tibetan people, took decisive measures to suppress the rebellion, dissolved the local govern-ment and carried out the Democratic Reform in Tibet, which fundamentally uprooted the feudal serfdom. Through this reform, the theocratic system was annulled, religion was sepa-rated from government; the feudal serf owners’ right to own means of production was abolished and private ownership by farmers and herdsmen was established; the serfs’ and slaves’ personal bondage to the officials, nobles and upper-ranking monks was cancelled, and they won their freedom of the person. The Democratic Reform constituted an epoch-making change in the social progress of Tibet and its development of human rights. It emancipated a million of serfs and slaves politically, economically and in other aspects of social life, effectively promoted the development of social productive forces in Tibet and opened up the road towards modernization. The former serfs and slaves got over 186,000 hectares of land in the Democratic Reform and, in 1960, when the Democratic Reform was basically completed, the total grain yield of Tibet was 12.6 percent higher than in 1959 and 17.7 percent higher than in 1958. In addition, the total number of livestock was 9.9 percent higher than in 1959.

3. Implementing regional ethnic autonomy, making Ti-bet embark on the road of socialism

The Democratic Reform in Tibet coincided with its con-struction of democratic politics. After the rebellion broke out in March 1959 the State Council issued an order to dissolve the Kashag and decided to make the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region exercise the local government’s du-ties and power. Later, the Qamdo People’s Liberation Committee and the Panchen Kampus Assembly were abolished, and a centralized people’s democratic government was set up, thus ending the co-existence of several political powers of different nature. In 1961 a general election was held across Tibet. For the first time, the former serfs and slaves were able to enjoy demo-cratic rights as their own masters, as they elected power organs and governments at all levels. Many emancipated serfs and slaves took up leading posts at various levels in the region. In September 1965 the First Session of the First People’s Congress of Tibet was convened in Lhasa, at which the founding of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the Regional People’s Govern-ment were officially proclaimed. Then, through the socialist transformation of agriculture and animal husbandry, Tibet em-barked on the road of socialism. The founding of the Tibet Au-tonomous Region and adoption of the socialist system provided an institutional guarantee for the realization of ethnic equality, unity, mutual help and common prosperity. It also provided a guarantee for all ethnic groups in Tibet to enjoy equal rights to participate in the administration of state affairs and that of ethnic affairs. In this way, an institutional guarantee was put in place for Tibet to develop along with other parts of China, with special support and assistance by the state and according to its local conditions.